Rwanda has disclosed that it provided the United States with detailed intelligence and evidence alleging continued cooperation between the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the FDLR, a group long accused by Kigali of threatening Rwanda’s national security.
The revelations were made by Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe, during an interview with Radio France Internationale (RFI). According to the minister, Kigali submitted extensive information to Washington showing what it describes as an ongoing relationship between President Félix Tshisekedi’s administration, elements of the Congolese armed forces, and the FDLR.
“We gave the mediator all the information showing the ongoing cooperation between President Tshisekedi, his army, and the FDLR, but also a political group trying to operate through people living here like Jean Luc Habyarimana, and Fabien Singaye who arrived in Kinshasa. For example, Jean Luc Habyarimana was photographed in Kinshasa,” Nduhungirehe said.
The Rwandan government also informed U.S. officials about the presence in Kinshasa of Jean Luc Habyarimana, son of former Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana, and Fabien Singaye, a former diplomat linked to the previous Rwandan regime.
Kigali views these developments as part of a broader political network connected to actors it believes continue to support anti-Rwanda agendas. The appearance of Jean Luc Habyarimana in Kinshasa has drawn particular attention, with Rwandan officials arguing that it reinforces concerns about political and security ties between Congolese authorities and individuals associated with extremist narratives from the past.
The allegations come despite the Washington Peace Agreement, a U.S.-backed initiative aimed at easing tensions between Rwanda and the DRC. One of the central provisions of that agreement required Congolese authorities to dismantle and neutralize the FDLR.
According to Rwanda, however, implementation of that commitment has fallen short.
“They have no political will to dismantle the FDLR,” Nduhungirehe stated, arguing that Kinshasa has shown little political will to eliminate the group.
Rwanda points to events that occurred in March 2026 as evidence. On March 29, Lieutenant General Jacques Ndulu Ychaligonza, Deputy Chief of Staff of the Congolese Armed Forces, arrived in Kisangani and announced the beginning of operations against the FDLR.
Yet Kigali claims that only two days later, actions on the ground contradicted those public declarations.
“But what followed two days later, on March 31st, they sent two helicopters to Walikale, carrying weapons, ammunition, and money for the FDLR. We shared this information with the Americans,” the minister said.
For Washington, the information carries significant weight because of its role as the chief mediator behind the peace process. The United States has invested substantial diplomatic capital in efforts to stabilize relations between Kigali and Kinshasa and to prevent further escalation in the Great Lakes region.
On June 27, President Donald Trump’s Senior Advisor for Africa, Massad Boulos, told the United Nations Security Council that the DRC had not fulfilled its commitment to dismantle the FDLR, at least in territories under government control.
That statement was widely interpreted as an acknowledgment from the mediator itself that implementation of the agreement remains incomplete.
Nduhungirehe argued that such findings should lead to stronger international pressure on Kinshasa.
“It is important that the mediator also admits that the DRC Government has never dismantled the FDLR, so if they are not biased, they should impose sanctions on it to put pressure on it to respect the peace agreement,” he said.
Analysts note that the United States has several reasons to pay close attention to Rwanda’s claims. First, Washington needs reliable information to evaluate compliance with the peace agreement it helped broker. Second, such evidence can inform sanctions decisions against individuals or organizations accused of undermining regional stability.
In June 2026, the U.S. Treasury sanctioned senior FDLR figure Gustave Kubwayo, known as Sirkoof, signaling Washington’s continued focus on armed groups operating in eastern Congo.
Economic interests also play a role. The United States has pursued strategic partnerships with the DRC focused on critical minerals, including cobalt and lithium, resources essential for advanced technologies and global supply chains. Persistent insecurity in eastern Congo threatens investment, disrupts supply routes, and creates opportunities for geopolitical competitors.
Perhaps most importantly, American diplomats remain concerned that alleged cooperation between the Congolese military and the FDLR could fuel further tensions with Rwanda. Kigali has consistently described the group as a direct security threat, and continued allegations of support risk deepening mistrust between the two neighboring countries.
The information shared by Rwanda is therefore likely to influence ongoing policy discussions in Washington, including debates within Congress regarding regional security assistance and diplomatic engagement in the Great Lakes region.
For Rwanda, the disclosures reinforce its longstanding argument that lasting peace cannot be achieved unless the FDLR is effectively dismantled. As international mediators continue their efforts, the future of the Washington agreement may depend on whether all parties can demonstrate tangible compliance with their commitments and rebuild confidence in a peace process that remains under intense scrutiny.
