More than three decades after its emergence in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, the FDLR-FOCA remains one of the region’s most enduring armed movements. Despite losing prominent political and military figures over the years, intelligence reports and regional security assessments suggest that the group has continued rebuilding its operational and political networks.
By June 2025, intelligence estimates placed the movement’s strength between 7,000 and 10,000 fighters. Months later, in November 2025, military spokesperson Lt. Col. Octavien Mutimura publicly stated that the organization possessed a substantial fighting force capable of resisting military offensives.
At the center of the organization stands Pacifique Ntawunguka, widely known as General Omega. A former officer who fled Rwanda during the collapse of the previous government in 1994, Omega has risen through the ranks to become the military commander of the movement.
He is assisted by Major General Cyprien Uzabakiriho, known as Ave Maria. Military intelligence operations are overseen by Brigadier General Sebastien Uwimbabazi, also known as Nyembo Abdallah, while overall military planning falls under Brigadier General Lucien Nzabanita.
One of the most influential components within the organization is the elite CRAP unit, which has been associated with numerous military operations. The unit has been led by figures including Colonel Pierre-Célestin Rurakabije, known as Simba Guillaume, while the late Colonel Protogène Ruvugayimikore played a major role in ideological mobilization before his death in December 2023.
Political affairs within the movement are coordinated by Lieutenant General Gaston Iyamuremye, commonly known as Victor Byiringiro or Rumuri. He remains one of the most influential political figures within the organization and is widely viewed as a key architect of its long-term strategy.
Observers note that FDLR’s command structure closely resembles that of the former Rwandan Armed Forces. Many senior commanders originated from those ranks, and military training programs reportedly continue to emphasize the objective of returning to power in Rwanda through armed struggle.
Training camps under the supervision of Brigadier General Bernard Mutunzi, known as Manzi, are said to combine military instruction with ideological indoctrination. Critics argue that such programs continue to promote ethnic hostility and narratives linked to genocidal ideology.
When M23 re-emerged in late 2021, one of its stated objectives was to dismantle FDLR networks operating across eastern Congo. At the time, FDLR maintained strong positions around Virunga National Park and parts of Rutshuru, where General Omega’s headquarters were reportedly located.
As the conflict intensified, however, FDLR increasingly sought strategic alliances to strengthen its position. This development coincided with growing cooperation between the group and elements of the Congolese security establishment.
A turning point reportedly came in May 2022 during a meeting in Pinga, Walikale Territory, attended by representatives of the Congolese military and several armed groups. According to reports, participants were encouraged to unite against a common adversary: M23.
Following that meeting, cooperation between FARDC forces, FDLR fighters, and Wazalendo militias became increasingly visible on the battlefield. One of the most controversial incidents linked to this alliance occurred in October 2023 in Nturo village, Masisi Territory.
Survivors alleged that fighters from FDLR and allied armed groups participated in an attack that left large sections of the predominantly Congolese Tutsi community displaced and their homes destroyed.
Despite these alliances, the coalition opposing AFC/M23 suffered repeated setbacks. AFC/M23 continued expanding its territorial control across North Kivu, forcing many FDLR fighters to relocate toward Masisi and Walikale.
Intelligence reports further suggest that some FDLR members have operated from locations near FARDC installations, including areas around Mubambiro close to Goma, where joint military planning activities allegedly took place.
According to various reports, cooperation between FDLR and authorities in Kinshasa has evolved beyond local military arrangements and increasingly involves higher levels of state structures.
In March 2026, FARDC Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations and Intelligence, Major General Jacques Nduru Ychaligonza, traveled to Kisangani and announced efforts aimed at dismantling FDLR.
However, controversy quickly followed. Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Ambassador Olivier Nduhungirehe, later claimed that military support had instead been delivered to the group.
He stated: “Within 48 hours, aircraft were sent to Walikale carrying nearly 700 weapons, mortars, money and ammunition for FDLR, despite public declarations that the group would be eliminated.”
The statement intensified regional debate regarding the Congolese government’s relationship with FDLR and whether official commitments to dismantle the organization were being fully implemented.
Political tensions have also been fueled by reports that President Félix Tshisekedi has hosted various Rwandan opposition figures in Kinshasa, including Jean-Luc Habyarimana, son of former President Juvénal Habyarimana, along with other exiled political actors.
Additional reports indicate meetings between Congolese authorities and former FDLR-linked figures such as Faustin Murego and Thaddée Kwitonda, further fueling speculation about political engagement with individuals associated with the movement.
As a result, FDLR remains at the center of one of the most sensitive security issues in the Great Lakes region.
While Congolese authorities continue to declare their intention to eliminate the group, allegations of ongoing cooperation persist.
Meanwhile, Rwanda continues to view FDLR as a major security threat because of its origins, ideology, organizational structure, and long-standing objective of pursuing political change in Rwanda through armed means.
